Military Matters
 We sleep soundly in our beds because rough men stand ready in the night to visit violence on those that would do us harm
GOD; Bless Our Protectors and Keep Them Safe - Lord Bring Home Them That Fall to Sit at Your Right Hand - Amen

Rare view inside an actual can of modern day whupass
Army link of interest Vietnam Wall
First click on a state.  When it opens, scroll down to the city and the names will appear.

Three SEALs accused of committing war crimes in Afghanistan hope to escape court-martial by expanding an evolving legal concept unique to the military — the appearance of unlawful influence by commanders that’s so odious it ruins the public’s faith in the criminal justice system.

“I don’t know how anyone in the general public could look at this without holding their nose,” said Colby Vokey, part of the defense team for the SEAL defendants.

No one denies that something very bad happened at Village Stability Platform Kalach in the Chora District of Afghanistan’s Uruzgan Province on May 31, 2012.

American authorities have long conceded that much of the abuse heaped on bound prisoners inside a SEAL compound came at the hands of Afghan Local Police militiamen wielding sticks and car antennas, with one villager possibly dying after brutal interrogations.

Special Warfare Operator 1st Class Daniel V. Dambrosio Jr. and two Special Operator Chief Petty Officers, Xavier Silva and David N. Swarts, underwent nonjudicial administrative punishment by Capt. Robert E. Smith in late 2012 and they also cleared two internal SEAL review boards.

Called a “Captain’s Mast” in the Navy, the nonjudicial punishment is a far less severe form of justice. The proceedings play out in private, far from public courtrooms and a paper trail citizens can follow.

They ended up in a Naval Base San Diego courtroom six years later thanks to a late 2015 article by The New York Times involving an alleged coverup at Kalach.

On Jan. 19, 2017, Naval Special Warfare commander Rear Adm. Timothy Szymanski charged Dambrosio, Silva and Swarts with assaulting the prisoners. Swarts and Dambrosio allegedly fired their pistols near a detainee’s head.

Swarts also is accused of conspiring with their commander, SEAL Team 10’s Lt. Jason L. Webb, with lying to military leaders about what really happened that night, but the officer isn’t standing trial with his enlisted commandos.

But as their trial started this past week, it seemed the Navy’s criminal justice system was on trial as much as they were. In a series of hearings that started Monday and lasted well into Wednesday night, military judge Cmdr. Arthur Gaston weighed evidence presented by both the SEALs’ criminal defense attorneys and the Navy prosecutor, Cmdr. Andrea Lockhart.

The defense attorneys claimed that Navy commanders engaged in suspicious conduct to bring the SEALs to trial that was so dicey that it tainted the prosecution and put the entire military court system into question by the general public. They’ve called for the charges to be tossed out.

Cdmr. Lockhart has countered that there’s no evidence of unlawful command influence. Even if it existed, she said, an admiral objectively decided that the SEALs should go to trial, with no knowledge of whatever command activity went on behind the scenes.

“These cases are important because they highlight concerns about a systemic problem with military justice. The public must be assured that the prosecution of any service member is fair,” said retired Capt. Lawrence Brennan, the Navy’s former senior admiralty counsel who now teaches at Fordham University’s School of Law.

In the military, a general or admiral is the convening authority for trials on the most serious crimes. The courts are inherently ad hoc and can be manipulated by the senior leaders who order them into existence.

Flag officers pick the charges and later the members of the jury. They also act on clemency and pardon petitions, but rules guide how much pressure a commander can place on the scales of justice before it becomes unfair to the accused.

That’s called “unlawful command influence” and it comes in two varieties: actual influence and the appearance of influence.

Actual influence occurs when a commander improperly manipulates the criminal justice process to negatively affect the fair handling of a case, but that’s not what the defense is arguing in the SEAL prosecution.

They’ve invoked the appearance of unlawful command influence and spent three days unveiling what they say is evidence pointing to it in the Kalach case.

First, there are a series of messages exchanged between the SEALs’ former commander -- now retired Rear Adm. Brian Losey -- and the Navy’s judge advocate general Vice Adm.James Crawford III that occurred in the midst of great pressure from the media, Congress, senior military leaders and their civilian overseers.

Although Losey appeared in early 2016 to be hedging at reopening a probe into the SEALs, Crawford told him that Smith already was being scrutinized for allegedly bypassing traditional investigative processes — possibly sending a warning to junior leaders that the Navy wanted the commandos prosecuted.

The Pentagon blocked Smith’s promotion and he might never pin on a star before he’s forced to retire at the end of the year. A later Navy review found that he did nothing unlawful but his course of action was determined to be imprudent.

In their exchange, Crawford also spoke vaguely about wider issues for the military to consider that went beyond the initial investigation of the four SEALs.

When retired Air Force Col. Billy Lee Little Jr., now a Navy investigator for criminal defense attorneys, met with Losey later to ask about Crawford’s involvement in the case and what he meant by these wider issues, the former SEAL leader allegedly became agitated and fearful.

At one point in the interview, he allegedly snatched a sheet of questions Little brought and scribbled “political,” according to Little’s testimony on Tuesday.

“Political — that’s what we’re talking about. That’s why this looks bad,” defense attorney Vokey said.

The New York Times story sparked a request from U.S. Sen. Claire McCaskill, D-Missouri, for information on the Kalach case partly in order to blunt a renewed attempt by fellow senator Kirsten Gillibrand, D-New York, to remove the authority of military commanders to try sexual assault and other serious cases, such as war crimes.

Retired Naval Criminal Investigative Service supervisor Mark O. Fox also testified that in early 2016 he sent out an email saying that there was significant “E-ring interest” in what happened at Kalach.

The outer wing of the Pentagon, the E-ring, houses the offices of the Secretary of the Navy and a host of four-star officers.

In early 2013, after he was cleared by Smith of the crimes, Swarts ran into Rear Adm. Szymanski during training at Virginia’s Ft. Story.

In his testimony, Szymanski agreed that he told him, “Hey, I’m glad that all got cleared up and worked out.”

Four years later, he charged him with war crimes.

Szymanski conceded that critics might have valid questions about how all of the Navy actions in the Kalach case might appear, but insisted that he based his decision on new witnesses uncovered by investigators and strongly insisted that he never thought of Smith’s fate when deliberating on what to do.

“I’m not looking for promotion,” he said.

Playing out behind the scenes was a secret probe by the U.S. Department of Justice, which defense attorneys also say was prodding the Navy to do something.

On Tuesday, the criminal defense attorneys revealed that federal prosecutor Michelle Pettit quietly led a grand jury probe in San Diego that put two of those new witnesses against the SEALs on the stand but triggered no indictments.

Pettit has been linked to another controversial case involving Crawford — the investigation of several SEAL trainers following the May 6, 2016, drowning of Seaman James Derek Lovelace in a Navy pool.

In July, whistleblowers submitted a slew of internal Navy records to The San Diego Union-Tribune. They included an email sent by Navy Capt. Donald King — the staff judge advocate for San Diego’s Navy Region Southwest — to Pettit and Blair Perez, the executive assistant U.S. attorney for the Southern District of California.

King wrote that Crawford had “ordered a second look” at his team’s recommendation to forgo charges against SEAL trainers who were present when Lovelace died, a decision reaffirmed at every other layer of the Navy.

Both Perez and Pettit are military attorneys in the Navy reserves, with Pettit also serving as an appellate judge on the Navy Marine Corps Court of Criminal Appeals, which raised concerns from the criminal defense attorneys in the Lovelace case, too.

A memorandum of understanding between the U.S. Department of Justice and the Pentagon gives DOJ primary authority over all criminal matters, but the civilian agency routinely cedes it to the military.

When asked by the Union-Tribune whether Pettit was acting as a commissioned military officer during the Kalach grand jury probe or as a civilian federal prosecutor, SEAL defense attorney Vokey, a retired Marine, said, “That’s what we’d like to know.”

“We have no comment on this. Thanks,” wrote U.S. Attorney's Office spokeswoman Kelly Thornton in an email on Wednesday.

In her spirited rebuttals before Cmdr. Gaston, prosecutor Lockhart cited murky language in the emails between Losey and Crawford and lambasted the criminal defense team’s case as long on speculation and conjecture but short on proof.

“There’s no other evidence that he did anything in this case,” she said about Crawford.

And even if everything in the defense’s argument were true, she added, there’s already been a fix.

The court-martial was ordered by Navy Region Southwest commander Rear Adm. Yancy B. “Lurch” Lindsey, a career aviator who knew nothing about Capt. Smith or the SEALs when he deliberated on the evidence culled by the multiple investigations. No one is suggesting he’s biased, she said.

That’s an important point, according to Robert Feldmeier, an attorney who specializes in court-martial appeals at the New York-based firm of Tully Rinckey.

A former soldier who later prosecuted cases and served as an intelligence law attorney for the National Security Agency, Feldmeier wrote the winning appeal in U.S. v. Boyce, a landmark but controversial military case decided last year that guided the arguments of both sides throughout the week on the Kalach case.

“Boyce doesn’t support the defense here but the court can examine the matter,” Feldmeier said by telephone.

In Boyce, the court could see that a general removed a subordinate because the Secretary of the Air Force had lost confidence in his ability to court-martial alleged sexual criminals. But there’s nothing like this in the Kalach case.

Instead, the defense team is trying to expand the legal theory by saying key influential senior leaders, like Crawford, can exert inappropriate pressure on admirals like Losey, guiding a case toward prosecution when it might have faded away.

“The appeals courts are becoming more and more concerned about the political influences and pressures that are playing on convening authorities,” Feldmeier said. “They’re looking with less and less favor on arm twisting, overt or otherwise.”

Received this from a good friend and collegue - very well said
January 11, 2018
Subject How Desert Storm Destroyed the US Milita

By Ray Starmann April 21, 2017

The US military that won Desert Storm or Gulf War I in 1991 was a spectacular military, a gargantuan industrial age military with high
tech weaponry and well trained personnel, that when called upon, achieved victory with the speed of Patton and the elan of Teddy

Overlooking the vast eight mile carnage on the Highway of Death in Kuwait, destruction that was caused by a US Air Force and Navy that bore almost no resemblance to the two services now, a sergeant in the 7th US Cavalry remarked, “America sure got its money’s worth from those Joes.”

In 44 days, the largest military force assembled by the US and its allies since Normandy destroyed the world’s fourth largest army in a
brilliantly led, fabulously executed air and ground war in the sands of the Middle East.

The ghosts of Vietnam were vanquished by men who had experienced the horrors and strategic errors of that war and who inculcated those lessons to the personnel they led.

Both General Colin Powell and the late General Norman Schwarzkopf had both served multiple tours in Vietnam and their experiences there made them highly skeptical of the press and its intentions. Therefore, no reporters were embedded with combat units during the war. The world was given a Nintendo video game, sanitized version of a war; while albeit short, had many elements of the nastiness of wars past, but appeared to be nothing more than a high tech cake walk.

Because there were no journalists in the field, the world never saw H.R McMaster, the President’s National Security Adviser, who was then a captain in the 2nd Armored Cavalry Regiment, fighting the Tawakalna Division of the Republican Guard at a now famous grid line dubbed the 73 Easting.

On McMaster’s left flank, the scouts from the 4th Squadron, 7th Cavalry were also battling the Tawakalna and the ghosts of the Little Big Horn, at a nameless speck of desert landscape known as Phase Line Bullet.Later that night, grunts and tankers from the 1stInfantry Division, the Big Red One, hit the Guard at Objective Norfolk and before the night was over, found themselves engaged in close quarters fighting with fanatical Guardsmen in a place most of them want to forget, but can’t. Two days before, the Big Red One had spent the opening hours of the war burying Iraqis in the trenches alive with bulldozers.

On G Day +3, the US 1st Armored Division hammered the Iraqi Al-Medina Division of the Republican Guard at a place now known as Medina Ridge. The Battle of Medina Ridge was to date the largest tank battle since Kursk in 1943.

On the left flank of Lieutenant General Fred Franks’ VII Corps was the XVIIIth Airborne Corps, which included the 24th Mechanized Infantry Division. The 24th Mech was led by the extremely aggressive, highly competent and definitely non-PC, Major General Barry McCaffrey. The first two days of the ground war, the 24th Mech raced across the Iraqi desert, heading towards its objectives in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley.*On February 26, 1991, the 24th Mech advanced through the valley and captured Iraqi airfields at Jabbah and Tallil. At the airfields, it encountered entrenched resistance from the Iraqi 37th and 49th Infantry Divisions, as well as the 6th Nebuchadnezzar Mechanized Division of the Iraqi Republican Guard. The 24th's Task Force Tusker attacked entrenched Iraqi forces on February 26th to seize battle position 143, effectively severing the Iraqi Euphrates River Valley line of communication to the Kuwait Theater of operation and destroying the major combat elements of the Iraqi Republican Guard Forces Command’s elite 26th  commando Brigade. Despite some of the most fierce resistance of the war, the 24th Mechanized Infantry Division destroyed the Iraqi formations and captured the two airfields the next day. The 24th then moved east with VII Corps divisions on the last day of the conflict.*

Two days after the Gulf War ended, on March 2, 1991, elements of the 24th Mech were fired on by the Iraqi Hammurabi Division of the
Republican Guard, which was retreating north in a five mile long convoy McCaffrey ordered his division to destroy the Hammurabi and by the end of the day, the 24th Mech had annihilated the division, destroying 187 armored vehicles, 43 artillery pieces, and over 400 trucks. The Battle of Rumaila Oilfield was a classic showcase of the kind of warrior aggression the US military’s senior leaders used to display, but which, in the era of the perfumed prince with stars has all but disappeared. Barry McCaffrey would last about five minutes on active duty today, as would Norman Schwarzkopf. McCaffrey and Schwarzkopf are the type of generals who win wars. What do the the generals do now?

Yet, the world saw none of those battles being fought as they saw no Marines storming through Kuwait. There were no journalists; hence no video, no film, no photos; nothing to show the world except a few shots of B Roll of the Iraqi Army surrendering to Marines on the border. To the American public, the Iraqis were surrendering en masse, when in actuality the Republican Guard was going down with the ship. For example, the 10,000 man Tawakalna Division was virtually annihilated, including the division commander who died in an artillery barrage on the night of February 26, 1991.

While General Schwarkopf’s power point presentations enlightened the world, the soldiers and Marines found themselves in a Dante’s Inferno, with smoldering vehicles, dead Iraqi soldiers strewn over tank turrets in a man-made darkness of oil fires that smothered any sunlight and the vast remnants of an army, which littered the battlefield: rifles, helmets, sundry equipment and arms and legs that were picked at by packs of roving wild dogs.

War is hell…but the American public never knew. 

The day Desert Storm ended, the death of the US military commenced. The Pentagon, basking in glory and bowing to pressure from the public and crackpot feminists like Patricia Schroeder, started drinking the Kool Aid and they’ve never stopped. The war was a video game, a clean, quick rout. Modern war was now sanitized, where the bad guys would die at stand-off ranges of a mile or two and explode in little black and white pixels on Pentagon TV screens. In fact, war was now so quick and so easy that women should now be allowed to serve in the combat arms and Special Forces.

Our victory in Desert Storm became the catalyst for every left wing wacko to hack at the military with a meat cleaver.

Since, 1991, the US military has been slowly coming apart at the seams. Stress cards, open homosexuality, transgenders on active duty, sensitivity training, pregnancy simulators for male troopers, lactation stations in the field, babies born on US ships of war, female graduates of Ranger School, including a 37 year old mother (it’s funny how the women looked so well fed), women in the SEALs, women in Marine infantry units and females in the field artillery (even though most cannot carry a 155mm round) are just some of the insanity that has taken place in the last 26 years, but which snowballed into hell under the Obama administration.

A social revolution engulfed the military, starting with Tailhook and continuing to this day. Warriors were forced out and feather merchants and PC flag bearers were promoted. Girl power was in and masculinity was out. The warrior culture was buried and a new culture was reborn that resembles corporate America, not the US military of yesteryear.

No, General Kennedy, it’s not your father’s army and that’s a problem, a big, festering problem.

And, now, with the world in flames, with ISIS blowing up Europe, with Putin pumping weights in the Arctic while he watches his BMP’s on skis roll by, with Kim Jong-Loon on the loose with a toy chest of nukes and missiles and with Iran figuring out that Trump ain’t Barney Fife, the US military needs to be rougher and tougher and more ready for a fight than ever. And, we ain’t. And, that’s the fact, Jack.

Many are waiting for Mad Dog Mattis to stick a spike in the heart of the military’s social engineering forever. We are still waiting… Perhaps, Secretary Mattis is so busy dealing with the thugs on the planet, that he has forgotten that the armed forces that will be engaging the thugs is still in trouble.

Secretary Mattis must once and for all shut down the feminist fantasy of women in the combat arms. There are thousands of jobs for women in the military where they can serve honorably and be promoted, without, in Mattis’ own words, ‘setting themselves up for failure in combat.’

Mattis also needs to get rid of the perfumed princes, and the feckless duds who have infested the senior ranks of the armed forces. I would rather have a sergeant with guts running a division than a two star coward who is more worried about his pension and future job on cable news than the mission and the troops. 

The US military is still being led by people who believe that the military is nothing different than working for Google, except that the
military has uniforms and weapons. When you eschew the glorious traditions of the military and combine that with ludicrous social
engineering, you are setting yourself up for massive failure.

While the US military interpreted the results of Desert Storm incorrectly, the real lessons from that conflict are crystal clear. The US military functioned well in an environment that focused on the mission, not on political correctness, LGBT rights, day care centers on
submarines and breastfeeding Rangers.

With our enemies stacking up against us, time is running out to fix the problems which were initially caused by a victory 26 years ago, in a war that has largely been forgotten.

The subject article was verified in the following URL: 2017/04/how-desert-storm- destroyed-the-us-military/


Romans 12:18, Psalm 119:18, Psalm 109:8, Proverbs 23:9
“Strategy without tactics is the slowest route to victory. Tactics without strategy is the noise before defeat.” Sun Tzu

If you would like to send something to the troops here is one of my old units, recently returned to Ft Hood from Iraq

While in Iraq
  Here is a link for 3rd ACR

While in Ft Hood  3rd Cav Regimental Museum  -//-  3rd Cav Regimental Museum Tank Park  -//-  History  -//-  Museum  -//-  -//- 3rd Sqdn, 3rd ACR - THUNDER

While in USAREUR (Germany)
US Army Germany, 3/3 ACR   -//- Some History of the 3/3

This was not called Thunder Sqdn when I was in it in 65 thru 67.  My last commander was Col. Batreall.  At one time the draw down for Vietnam was such that our CO was the ranking 1st LT and for a short time as the Motor Sgt SSG I was given the duties of Motor Officer, it was not long until we had a 2nd LT to take over that duty, as I remember him he was a good officer willing to learn from an NCO.  Most names of those days are long forgotten.

 Complaints - 10/23/2007

The Courts Martial of MIchael New
-- He refused to wear the UN insignia or serve under a foreign (UN) officer.

President Roosevelt's speach concerning the Japanese attack on the U.S. in Pearl harbor, December 7, 1941.

The Other 1%

The Tikrit Memoral - This Text posted 1/30/11

U.S. Cemeteries in Europe
-- U.S. Cemeteries in Europe giving the number of graves in each.  I believe these numbers to be correct - if you find otherwise CONTACT-ME

USS New York
-- New Navy Ship built with trade center steel, to delivers whupass on terrorist.

Page 11
-- With VA in Turmoil, Calls for Change Grow - 9/14/15
-- Provide a level, gender-neutral playing field - 2/06/13
-- VA Choice Program Rollout - 11/07/14
-- American Legion Help Line - 9/26/14
-- Army to Cut 10 Brigades - 6/28/13

Page 10
-- General slams military for forgetting history - 10/14/12
-- The WikiLeaks Challenge - 12/3/2010
-- The Bomber - Posted 2009
-- In the Military, Racial Integration and Sexual Liberation Are Not the Same Thing - 10/22/10
-- He was killed in Iraq, I'm taking him home to his family - 10/5/09

Page 09
-- Support Michael Behenna - Posted 3/28/10
-- America at the edge of catastrophe - 7/21/09
-- U.S. battlefield superiority for sale to America's enemies - 6/12/09
-- New Chinese Jets Superior - 5/26/04

Page 08
-- Iraq - Posted 5/20/09

Page 07
-- Rules for a Gun Fight

Page 06
-- Afghan Cliff Clash Earns U.S. Military Unit Record 10 Silver Stars
-- K9 Medal of honor winner - 9/13/2008
-- Largest Re-enlistment Ceremony - Ever
-- Gulf War Syndrome is Real, Caused by Toxic Exposure - 11/18/2008

Page 04
-- When a soldier comes home

Page 03
-- "Mama"; Ready to Deploy Like her Children
-- Celebrity Friends of the Military

Page 02
-- Vietnam - America’s Longest War

Page 01
-- World War II Statistics
-- War Dead - All Wars
-- Losses by President - Statistics between Reagan, Bush 1, clinton, and Bush 2 - 4/26/2008
-- Japanese were the most brutal - and the victims haven't paid one penny in compensation to date while Germany is still paying

Home    Top