Black Watch Page 11
-- Another case of black power grab by lies and intimidation - 1/28/14
-- Civil Rights Leaders Criticized for Silence on Sudan Slavery
-- The Sad Truth of Racial Stereotypes in Memphis City Schools
-- Destroying black youth

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 Another case of black power grab by lies and intimidation.

Black racist demand charging a white police officer with murder

On 2nd try, grand jury indicts white cop

Black mob gathers nearby as authorities overturn 1st decision clearing officer


Last week, a Charlotte, N.C., grand jury denied prosecutors’ request to indict a white police officer for voluntary manslaughter in the shooting death of an unarmed black man who refused to obey orders to stop and show his hands after police responded to a robbery call.

The decision angered the NAACP and other black leaders, who threatened to boycott the city if it didn’t indict the officer. State authorities vowed to swiftly impanel a new grand jury and resubmit the charge.

And so on Monday, as civil-rights activists loudly marched outside the Charlotte courthouse, a re-impaneled grand jury agreed to indict Charlotte police officer Randall Kerrick in the racially and politically charged case, which in many ways mirrors the Trayvon Martin case.

Kerrick, who claims self defense, faces up to 11 years in prison if convicted. His trial is expected to begin within eight months.

“We are thankful that the grand jury carefully considered the evidence and returned the indictment,” said Charles Monnett III, the attorney for the family of 24-year-old shooting victim Jonathan Ferrell.

Kerrick’s lawyer argued the nearby demonstrations compromised his client’s chances at a fair hearing.

“How in the world is that grand jury supposed to go into that courtroom and make a decision when you’ve also got the NAACP outside?” defense attorney Michael Green demanded. “How is Randall Kerrick supposed to get a fair trial and due process?”

Jurors originally believed the evidence presented against the officer did not support the manslaughter charge. Their refusal to indict was rare. The same jurors issued indictments in all of the other cases they heard. As WND reported in October, evidence showed authorities overcharged Kerrick in an apparent rush to appease protesters and quell racial tensions.

The case has triggered outcry from the black community, which organized a national campaign to pressure authorities to carry out “justice” for Ferrell.

During a local church rally Thursday night, about 150 civil-rights activists organized by THUG – True Healing Under God – threatened to boycott the city if jurors fail to indict Kerrick.

Charlotte NAACP President Kojo Nantambu called the jury decision “despicable,” asserting, “Something is wrong with the system that we live in … something is wrong in this country.”

Rally organizer John Barnett, founder of THUG, said Ferrell would be alive if he were white like Kerrick.

“I’m trying to figure out: What does 14 jurors and one attorney general don’t see that people in Africa see?” Barnett asked. “That all of us see. What do they not see?”

Kerrick’s attorneys tried to block the new grand jury hearing as “a wholly improper and blatant attempt to influence” a politically correct outcome in the case, which has attracted national attention.

After the earlier decision, defense attorney George Laughrun said “the weight of the world” has been lifted from his client’s shoulders.

“He’s extremely relieved that the grand jury members saw fit to keep an open mind and not listen to all the propaganda on all the things he did wrong,” Laughrun said. “What they decided … was that Officer Randall Kerrick did his job. Regretfully it cost the life of Jonathan Ferrell. But he did his job.”

Kerrick, whose dashcam captured the confrontation on video, was charged in connection with the Sept. 14 shooting death of Ferrell, a former Florida A&M football player.

Kerrick repeatedly fired at Ferrell with his gun after a Taser failed to stop him and after Ferrell failed to show his hands. Though Ferrell was found later to be unarmed, Kerrick and others who viewed the video insisted the use of force was justified.

As WND reported, the video shows Kerrick first opened fire after Ferrell – who was much larger than Kerrick – charged him while ignoring commands and concealing his hands. Kerrick fired more rounds after Ferrell continued to move forward to the point where he made physical contact with the officer.

“His hands were not in the air,” Laughrun, a former prosecutor, said.

At one point, before the shooting, he added, “You see one of his hands partially behind his back, concealed, as he continued to advance.”

Ferrell may have been under the influence of controlled substances.

Witnesses reported to investigators that they saw Ferrell, who had dropped out of college, drinking alcohol and smoking marijuana in the hours before he crashed his car at an entrance to a suburban Charlotte neighborhood that Saturday at 2:30 a.m.

The police chief, who is African-American, still has not released the results of the toxicology report. The report, along with the video, will now become part of discovery as Kerrick’s lawyers prepare his defense.

At least one resident of the neighborhood reported Ferrell acting violently several minutes before the confrontation with police.

A 911 tape reveals a frantic call from homeowner Sarah McCartney, who was home alone with her 1-year-old son while her husband was traveling. Through tears, she reported Ferrell trying to kick in her front door in what she thought was an attempted robbery. Banging and yelling can be heard in the background.

“I need help!” McCartney can be heard pleading with the operator. “There’s a guy breaking into my front door, he’s trying to kick it down!”

The 911 tape refutes the initial narrative told by the NAACP and the media, who claimed an injured and stranded Ferrell rang McCartney’s doorbell seeking help only to have McCartney slam the door shut after seeing a black man.

“Why did the woman assume it was a robber?” Chris Chestnut, another Ferrell family attorney, said.

“How could this white woman be so terrified by the mere sight of a black man – an injured one at that – that she couldn’t contain her fright long enough to even hear out his plea for help? Come on,” wrote Neil Drumming a black columnist for

Drumming said nothing excuses “her utter lack of empathy,” while failing to report that Ferrell tried to kick in her front door. The 911 tape indicates Ferrell wasn’t acting like a helpless man but a ferocious threat.

Chief Monroe confirmed that Ferrell started “banging on the door viciously.”

Nonetheless, black radio called McCartney a “racist b—-” guilty of a “hate crime.”

A number of black activists posted McCartney’s home address along with photos of her home on social media. As a result, a number of vehicles have driven by her house harassing her family. They have had to hire security for protection.

As in the Martin case, which triggered national outrage over perceived racial profiling, the narrative told by civil-rights activists and national media about the shooting death of Ferrell crumbled under the weight of evidence.

Florida state authorities took over the Martin case after Sanford, Fla., police cleared George Zimmerman in the shooting, deciding he acted in self defense. After a jury later acquitted Zimmerman of manslaughter charges, authorities were criticized for overcharging Zimmerman.

Likewise, North Carolina state authorities have taken over the Ferrell case, which followed virtually on the heels of the Zimmerman trial.

Experts say they’ve never seen a police officer charged so swiftly in a shooting. Normally investigations into police shootings take weeks, if not months.

Yet Kerrick was thrown in jail within hours, bypassing the usual lengthy interviews by internal affairs. Authorities said they wanted to avoid any “ambiguity” as outrage in the black community grew and the NAACP and other groups threatened protests.

Kerrick’s legal team planned to defend the officer under North Carolina’s “stand your ground” law, which allows police officers as well as citizens to use deadly force if they fear for their lives or someone else’s.

Legal experts say Kerrick has a strong case and that authorities may have been too quick to charge the 27-year-old officer.

Police unions say police departments and state officials feel pressure from Attorney General Eric Holder and groups like the NAACP to charge first and investigate later in such cases. That political pressure is having a “chilling effect” on law enforcement officers.

“What it does is it shakes their confidence, because most cops like to think their department has their back,” North Carolina Fraternal Order of Police President Randy Hagler said.

The NAACP wants the charges against Kerrick elevated to murder. Anger in the community could explode if Kerrick isn’t convicted.

Meanwhile, Ferrell’s family has filed a lawsuit against Kerrick and the police department claiming Kerrick used excessive force. Chestnut insisted he opened fire on Ferrell before any commands or warnings were issued.

“There were no commands to ‘Stop, freeze, stop or I’ll shoot,’” he claimed.

“If Mr. Ferrell was not black or brown, wouldn’t they have asked him a few questions before showering him with bullets?” Chestnut added, suggesting bigotry played a role in the shooting.

“The officer is white, Mr. Ferrell is black,” he continued. “I think this is more of a reflection of where we are as a country.”

In fact, footage from a dashboard-mounted police camera shows officers commanded Ferrell at least three times to stop before Kerrick fired, but Ferrell continued to advance menacingly toward them. Another officer, Thornell Little, fired a Taser at Ferrell before Kerrick resorted to using his firearm.

“Orders were given by one of the officers as it relates to him stopping,” acknowledged Charlotte Police Chief Rodney Monroe, who is black. “There were statements given of that nature.”

The NAACP, however, insists it was an “execution” of a black man in “cold blood.”

“There is no evidence that shows Jonathan Ferrell should have been shot at all, but for officer Kerrick to shoot 12 times and striking Mr. Ferrell 10 times indicates more than a reflex, it smells more of hatred and rage, which shows that Mr. Kerrick was predisposed in killing a black man and did so with extreme prejudice,” the NAACP’s Nantambu said.


 Destroying black youth

Posted: July 2, 2003     Creators Syndicate, Inc.

In last week's U.S. Supreme Court's affirmative-action decision, Justice Clarence Thomas' dissent included a quotation from an 1865 speech by abolitionist Frederick Douglass. "What I ask for the Negro," Douglass said, "is not benevolence, not pity, not sympathy, but simply justice. ... All I ask is, give him a chance to stand on his own legs! Let him alone! ... Your interference is doing him positive injury."

Forget how the majority used the phrase "compelling state interest" to trump the 14th Amendment's requirement of equal treatment under the law and give continued sanction to racial discrimination. Let's examine some practical matters ignored in the pro-affirmative-action celebration of the Court's decision.

According to recent National Assessment of Educational Progress reports, the average black high-school senior had math skills on par with those of the typical ninth-grade white student. The average 17-year-old black student could read only as well as the average 12-year-old white. Twelfth-grade black students were doing science problems at the level of sixth-grade white students and writing about as well as whites in the eighth grade.

As of 1998, only 18 percent of black students were rated proficient or advanced in reading, as compared to 47 percent for white students, which itself is nothing to write home about. In Michigan, the source of the controversy leading up to the U.S. Supreme Court's decision, just 2 percent of black eighth-graders score proficient in reading, compared to 34 percent of whites – again, nothing to write home about. In addition to grossly fraudulent education, there's unthinkable school violence at many of the schools that black students attend.

According to a Department of Education report, "School Crime Patterns" (August 2002), "High schools with the highest levels of violence tended to be located in urban areas and have a high percentage of minority students (black and Hispanic), compared to high schools that reported no crime to the police."

The bottom line is, given the day-to-day destruction of education for black students at the primary and secondary levels of schooling, most will never be able to compete academically. The fact that the affirmative-action crowd demands discriminatory admission practices for post-graduate education such as in law and medical schools confirms something else. Black performance on admittance exams, such as the LSAT, MCAT and GRE, is stark testament that four years of undergraduate education cannot erase the damage of 12 years of fraudulent primary and secondary education.

In the name of diversity, college administrators and their campus sycophants support racially discriminatory admissions practices. They argue that racial diversity enriches the education experiences of all college students, for which there's absolutely no evidence whatsoever. However, since most college students and administrators are white, it might simply mean that racial diversity gives them a greater sense of superiority having a few campus mascots around – who can't hold their own – beholden to them.

Then there's the false-face of diversity, as Justice Antonin Scalia pointed out in his dissent. Academics support campus "tribalism and racial segregation" with "minority-only student organizations, separate minority housing opportunities, separate minority student centers, even separate minority-only graduation ceremonies."

Black politicians and civil-rights organizations' loyalty to the education establishment means academic doom to black youngsters. Washington, D.C., politics and its schools, among the worse in the nation, are a case in point. Rep. Eleanor Holmes Norton, along with most members of the Congressional Black Caucus, use private schools to educate their children. But, when D.C. Mayor Anthony Williams broke ranks with most black elected officials and endorsed recently proposed education vouchers, Norton blasted him as being "a sell-out."

Whom do you think Frederick Douglass would deem the sell-out: those who seek an alternative to rotten schools that cost taxpayers $13,000 a year per student or those who support the status quo?

Editor's note: The upcoming August issue of WND's acclaimed Whistleblower magazine will be on America's out-of-control judicial system, focusing in particular on the United States Supreme Court, whose recent rulings have validated reverse discrimination, opened the door for legalized polygamy, incest and bestiality, and freed hundreds of sex abusers. The current issue (July), titled "THE CONSTITUTION: America's ultimate battleground," explores whether the Constitution is still America's "supreme law of the land."

 The Sad Truth of Racial Stereotypes in Memphis City Schools

By William K. Richardson     May 23, 2003

Since the myriad of diversity and tolerance organizations tell me that black stereotypes are merely vestiges of America’s racist past and do not exist, then I must be, like the speaker in Edgar Allen Poe’s “The Raven,” delusional, seeing things daily that clearly are not there.

I began teaching in the 87 percent black Memphis City Schools in 1991, logging time at a south Memphis middle school and my current post at Westside High School in the Frayser section of the city. From my first day in the classroom in October 1991, I have seen behavior that is intolerable at best and criminal at worst. Said behavior is eerily similar to the most vile of black male stereotypes: violent, criminal, anti-intellectual, lazy, shiftless and promiscuous. How can this be? I mean, such things do not exist, right?

The U. S. Department of Education reports that, nationally, 33 percent of the students expelled from public schools are black, even though blacks only make up 20 percent of total students in public schools. Ironically (or not), these figures mirror those of the U.S. Justice Department that show in some cities one in three young black males is connected to the justice system, either in jail, on parole or awaiting trial. Author Earl Ofari Hutchinson believes many young black males do live up to (or is it “down to“) stereotypes, writing, “Many young blacks further validate racial stereotypes by aping and exulting the thuggish bluster and behavior of gangster rappers…” Mr. Hutchinson also writes that many black males “…measure their status or boost their self worth by demonstrating their proficiency in physical fights or the sexual abuse of black women, and of course, by creating havoc in the classroom.”

Mr. Hutchinson could very have been a fly on the wall of my classroom the last dozen years, for he aptly captures my workday.

“Phillip,” (not this little “darling’s” real name), embodies the whole “black male as ignorant thug” thing. A seventeen year old ninth grader, Phillip is a unrepentant hoodlum who is proud of his dismal school record and gang membership. When he is not on suspension or in jail - which, thankfully, is not often - he saunters into class (always late), no materials in sight and no intent to do anything but sit and disrupt. Phillip speaks whenever he feels like it (usually some loud profanity laced “check” or gibe at one his classmates), tries to intimidate the younger students (especially the females) and openly defies direct orders, eventually offering, “Well, just send me to the office. I am tired of this s--t!” Phillip openly brags of his lengthy criminal record, gang membership and drug abuse. To call him stupid would be an insult to bags of rocks which are truly stupid. Socially promoted since middle school, Phillip is gleefully ignorant by choice. He has failed my class twice, with number three coming in June, when final report cards are issued. The only use he has for a book is to throw it at someone. This is sad, but so true. I only wish Phillip was an isolated case.

The peer pressure for many young black males to be a stereotype (read thug) is enormous at my school. Students who try to perform well in school are accused of “acting white,” while students who get involved in school activities are called “sell-outs.” Some of our athletic teams struggle to field teams, not because we do not have the students, but because there is little interest. If hard work or commitment is required, many students at Westside High simply will not do it. Yet if we had an “auto theft” team, I imagine we would have to hold tryouts and cut folks for this likely championship “team.” Such are the interests at Westside.

I remember once (but certainly not the only time) admonishing a class of mine about their work and study habits, as well as their behavior in class, only to be met with, “Coach, you just want us to act like white folks!” I guess linguistics professor and author John McWhorter is right: “To be culturally black, sadly, almost requires that one see books and school as a realm to visit rather than to live in.”

It is my twelve years in the Memphis public schools that has made me admire and appreciate the handful of students I have taught and coached who have done well. Despite the taunts, the extreme peer pressure and the negatives all around them, these young men have persevered and thrived, leaving their former classmates behind, mired in the swamp (of their own making) of ignorance, poverty and criminality that is sadly their lives.

These kids, who shook off the “ghetto mentality” - Anthony, Daniel, Leavy, Courtney, Lozie, Chris, Antonio, Demarkus and others - deserve much applause and credit. Allow me to be the first to laud their efforts, character and toughness.

Another day lies ahead for me tomorrow, a day when I will see what is not there and hear what is not being said. Boy, I can hardly wait.

 Civil Rights Leaders Criticized for Silence on Sudan Slavery

By Marc Morano Senior Staff Writer     May 30, 2003

( - Leaders of the U.S. civil rights movement are being taken to task for failing to make the human rights situation in the African country of Sudan a policy priority.

The Islamic government of Sudan has allegedly facilitated the enslavement of Christians and animists in the southern part of the country for 20 years, long-time observers say, yet most American civil rights leaders have said little or nothing about the issue. Democratic presidential candidate Al Sharpton is among those criticizing his fellow civil rights leaders in the United States.

"I am outraged that more of us, particularly of the African American leadership, have not talked about the slave trade that I witnessed with my own eyes in the Sudan," Sharpton told Sharpton traveled to the Sudan on a fact-finding mission in the spring of 2001.

The Sudanese government denies the slavery allegations despite eyewitness accounts by Sharpton and others, as well as documented evidence.

Sudan is on the U.S. State Department's list of states sponsoring terrorism. Its government has been at war with the southern-based rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) in a conflict that is motivated by religious differences and what to do with the oil-rich field of southern Sudan. The war has resulted in allegations of widespread abuse, including slavery, the deaths of at least two million people and the displacement of millions more.

Sudan slave trade

Critics say American civil rights leaders have mostly ignored the Sudanese slavery issue.

"It took about five years, and principally because of the black churches...around the country and the American Anti-Slavery Group based in Boston, to get some type of momentum," said Village Voice columnist Nat Hentoff in an interview with Hentoff has written extensively about Sudan.

Hentoff said some civil rights leaders have spoken out on the issue, like former U.S. Rep. Donald Payne, who also served as chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, and District of Columbia Congressional Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton. However, the overwhelming majority of African American civil rights activists have remained silent, he said.

"There hasn't been anything recently. As a matter of fact, an even worse [human rights] situation is in Zimbabwe, and I haven't heard anything from any black leader nationally on that one. Why? I don't know," Hentoff said.

Sharpton also could not explain why U.S. civil rights leaders choose to remain silent on the issue of human rights in Sudan.

"I have no idea why they haven't done it, but I will continue to do it and even went there to try and dramatize how outrageous I felt that is in the 21st century to be seeing this kind of behavior," Sharpton said. To see the situation "go almost uncovered is unthinkable," he added.

Brad Phillips, president of the Persecution Project Foundation, a Christian ministry aiding the current victims of strife in Sudan, pointed to slavery in that country as evidence of a double standard among American civil rights leaders.

"Where is the outrage? The same people that want reparations for American slavery - where is their outrage for Africans who are being slaughtered today?" Phillips asked.

Hentoff criticized Jesse Jackson in particular for failing to show leadership on the Sudan slavery issue.

"When he went to Africa with [then President Bill] Clinton (in 1998), neither of them said a word about what was happening in Sudan, and Sudan was one place they didn't go to," Hentoff explained.

Jackson served as a U.S. special envoy to Africa during the second term of the Clinton administration. A spokesman for Jackson's Rainbow/PUSH Coalition defended Jackson's stance on the human rights violations in Sudan.

"[Jackson] has been addressing [Sudan] off and on ...We are engaged in Sudan, and we have been talking to the parties and stuff, and we have reached out to civil societies in both the north and the south, so we are engaged," James Gomez, director of international affairs for Rainbow/PUSH, told

"It might not be on the news, and [critics] might not get the information, but do not believe that these people are not engaged," Gomez added.

Gomez also indicated Jackson has met "several times" with Sudan's ambassador to the United States, Khidir H. Ahmed. When asked whether Jackson includes references to Sudan and slavery in his numerous speeches across the country, Gomez could only point to a press release that Rainbow PUSH distributed on April 21, 2001.

In that statement, Jackson wrote in part: "People everywhere should be outraged that in the new millennium, human trafficking and enslavement continues. Slavery is unacceptable and immoral, and I call on the government of Sudan to immediately take all the necessary actions to help end this inhumane practice."

"In terms of what was most specific [to Sudan], was that statement...that was a press release," Gomez explained.

Hentoff believes Jackson was forced to issue the 2001 press release by black ministers across the country. "Jackson had to be intimidated about speaking out about slavery," Hentoff said.

Hentoff also believes Sharpton has failed to adequately address the subject of slavery in Sudan. "[Sharpton] went [to Sudan], and he spoke out briefly. I follow this. I have not heard him say anything in a long time," Hentoff said. "Sharpton is running for president. There is not much of a constituency about slavery."

But when asked to respond, Sharpton was quick to defend himself. "I went to Sudan three years ago, and I publicly said that it was one of the great atrocities of the world."

Hentoff believes that if it were not for the pressure applied by African American clergy, Jackson, Sharpton and the Congressional Black Caucus would have had even less to say about the Sudanese controversy. Hentoff pointed to an open letter, written by black ministers, addressed to the Congressional Black Caucus in 2000, urging the group to become more visibly engaged in the issue.

"We African American pastors from around the nation write to ask the Congressional Black Caucus to come to the front of this battle. As the descendants of African slaves, we must not rest until those now held in bondage are freed - until the African villages in Sudan are protected from murderous slave raids, until the Sudan Air Force is made to stop bombing African schools, churches and hospitals," the letter dated June 1 read in part.

For its part, the Black Caucus now claims to be heavily involved in solving Sudan's human rights problems, pointing to its role in the passage of the Sudan Peace Act last October 21. The act provides for the U.S. to impose economic sanctions and other punitive measures in the event the government in Khartoum fails to continue negotiating an end to Sudan's decades-old conflict and requires the U.S. to monitor the progress of human rights abuses.

Repeated calls to the Congressional Black Caucus and its current chairman, Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) for further information were not returned.

In defense of Sudan

Minister Louis Farrakhan, the sponsor of the Million Man March and head of the Nation of Islam, questions whether the Islamic government of Sudan is guilty of slavery.

In a February 17, 2002, speech, the text of which is available on Farrakhan's website, he accused the U.S. of using the pretext of slavery to gain access to the oil field of southern Sudan.

"What America is trying to do is foster the revolution to break off the southern Sudan from the Islamic regime in Khartoum so that America can have access to the oil. But they say it's them Moslems killing Christians, making slaves out of these people in the south," Farrakhan stated.

Hentoff believes the reason so many African American civil rights leaders and heads of other African nations have been quiet about Sudan's human rights situation is because of a desire to remain in "solidarity because it's an African country."

Phillips, from the Persecution Project Foundation, put forth a theory on why African American civil rights leaders might be reticent on Sudan.

"Could it be because of the increasing Muslim influence in black America? Perhaps," Phillips said.

Phillips believes there is enough blame to go around regarding the silence on the situation in Sudan.

"There are some [civil rights leaders] who are doing great things, but in large part, it isn't getting the attention it deserves from any segment of American society and the media, let alone civil rights leaders," Phillips explained.

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